The senate
filibuster is a necessary measure in today's political climate which
could very well be reformed under the correct circumstances. The
current debate takes on the form of keeping or abandoning the
filibusters, but other options exist. Both sides of the debate have
some legitimate arguments as well as some irrelevant arguments. I
will explore both sides of this topic and then will present
alternatives to just “yes” or “no.”
Thomas Geoghegan
wrote The Case for Busting the Filibuster in
Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Political Issues, 17th
Edition (McKenna& Feingold,
2012, pg. 116). In his argument, Geoghegan mentions that the
filibuster, specifically, the procedural filibuster, gives too much
power to the minority and causes too much easy obstructionism. He
writes that the simple majority should be how it works and allowing
the filibuster gives room for too much pork in bills.
On
the other side of this issue is Robert Byrd (McKenna & Feingold,
2012, pg. 121). Byrd brings up several examples as to the good the
filibuster has done. One example of which mentions a court-packing
bill pushed by FDR in 1937. After heated debates in the senate and a
traditional filibuster, the bill was revised to better promote
checks and balances for the judiciary. Byrd also characterizes the
importance of giving a strong voice to the minority due to many of
our principles being dedicated to equality.
Both
sides make compelling arguments. Unfortunately, which side of the
debate the political parties tend to gravitate towards depends on
whether or not they can filibuster. When Republicans have a minority,
the filibuster is widely accepted by the party in general. When
Democrats have a minority, the filibuster is widely accepted by the
party in general. In other words, support from the parties on
filibusters is historically hypocritical.
With
American ideologies, it is important for the majority to rule, but it
is also important that the minority has a voice. The filibuster is
intended to give a voice, but the procedural filibuster does not
elicit debate or consideration; it elicits pork being added to bills.
Without the filibuster, controversial bills could pass without any
proper debate and consideration. The mere threat of a filibuster also
mediates presidential nominees so the nominees are usually not too
extreme on one side or the other.
With
such strong arguments and counterarguments, perhaps a compromise on
the issues is in order. To start, a filibuster should not be
procedural. It ought to allow a debate on the issues as to better
present the evidence or importance of a bill (or lack thereof). Pork
could be addressed by simply disallowing it from being added to a
bill. Without the option of pork, senators do not hold out in order
to better their own positions, but rather they would hold out based
on specific grievances they have on a bill. It becomes a talk of how
to make the bill work rather than how to bribe to get votes. With
these two modifications, compromise and negotiation directly on a
bill is much more likely. With these two modifications to the
filibuster, better and more rigorously considered legislation can go
through and the checks and balances system returns to a healthier
state.
This
is not the only possibility, however. Under the right circumstances,
the filibuster could be completely abandoned and simple majority rule
in the senate could happen once again. The right circumstances,
however, are very difficult to achieve. For starters, more than two
parties would have a big voice in the system. We would need at least
a third party that holds a significant number of votes in the senate.
This hypothetical third party creates an additional check in the
legislative process and inherently eliminates most of the pork put
into bills. It eliminates the pork because there are simply too many
contenders to deal with to effectively garner votes through bribery.
Being
that there are already alternative parties that do not have a
significant voice, something else in the system needs to change in
order to get significant contribution from these parties in congress.
Alternative parties do not have the money to get much of a voice,
though. This then points to the need to have public financing for
political parties (a la most of the democratic world besides the US).
So, if there is public financing that is distributed evenly across
three or four parties, then there is an increased likelihood that
alternative candidates will get elected in a meaningful amount.
The
trick then is to get politicians to follow what is best for the
country and not what is best for their own personal pocketbooks. If
money is significantly involved as it is now, then public finance for
political parties will never happen. There are also complications in
how to correctly distribute the money from public financing, but, as
mentioned previously, there are many other examples in the democratic
world as to how to do this. This is a problem that has been tackled
numerous times by numerous countries, so no need to reinvent the
wheel.
If
no such drastic measures occur, then the senate filibuster needs to
remain in place as to allow for a correct mechanism of checking and
balancing. In our current political climate. Some modifications could
happen to aid in creating a more stream-lined and fair process that
better recognizes true debate on issues rather than upholding the
principles of bribery through the use of pork. This would require
some compromise and some meaningful dialogue in the senate, however.
References:
- McKenna, G., Feingold S. (2012). Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Political Issues, 17th Ed. New York, NY: The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
- O’Connor, K., Yanus, A.B., Sabato, L.J. (2011). American Government: Roots and Reform, 2011 Ed. Glenview, IL: Pearson Education, Inc.
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